Abstracts

 

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EuPRA 2015 LIST OF ABSTRACTS by order of sessions

An asterix [*] indicates in absentia

 

[politics and economics of c & p]

Steve Wright, Leeds Beckett University: Policing the gateways to Europe: 21st C approaches to denying access to the land of the plenty

Over the last decade, refugees from Middle Eastern Conflicts, the Arab spring and increasingly conflicts over climate change, have headed towards the gates of Europe. Dramatic scenes of hoardes of desperate people at maritime ports like Calais and Lampedusa, have become an election issue as European politics lurch to the right and the media whips up a moral panic about unchecked economic migration and threat from muslim terrorists.

European political systems have responded with a range of exclusion projects such as EUROSUR and Frontex and the emergence of new border controls and technologies. The situation is set to get much worse and a new breed of border technology is being prepared for transplantation from the deserts of Mexico and the desparation of Gaza. This presentation explores what is coming down the wire from the new military, security, university, police and media-entertainment complex. It looks at the technologies and the prisons of a new migration exclusion processing industry and what it means for Peace.

* Pierluigi Musarò, Department of Sociology and Business Law, University of Bologna: All in the same boat? Pro-migrant activists and solidarity movements in Europe

Since the early 1990s, “migration crisis” has been high on Europe’s agenda and a main cause of concern for European citizens, alarmed by the levels of “illegal” migration as well as by the humanitarian duty of safeguarding the rights of people who are attempting to cross the borders. Condemnations by activists and humanitarian organizations about migrants’ deaths in the Mediterranean have considerably increased over the last decade: the images of the so-called ‘Fortress Europe’ and of the Mediterranean as a sea of deaths have circulated in the European public debate. Through online networks and discussion platforms, academic workshops and conferences, street protests and art-exhibition, awareness campaigns and film festivals, websites and innovative maps to circulate counter-knowledges, many activists have committed themselves to raising awareness of the substantial value of migration. Their repertoires of protest, deliberately designed and performed to attract the media spotlight, show the emerging importance of social media in civic engagement, which feed the national and supranational ‘conversational democracy’. Building on Social Movement Theory’s conceptual tools, the article presents two ideal types of migrant-solidarity activists (‘reformists’ and ‘radicals’) that are contributing to re-framing Europe and its migration management regime. Assuming that discourses and institutions interact with each other to mark the lines between possible and impossible citizens, the paper focuses on the main similarities and differences of their performances, shedding light on how they expand the horizons of existing citizenship.

 

[euro-arctic region 1]

Gleb Yarovoy, Petrozavodsk state university, Russia: Russian and Nordic political dichotomies and their implication to cooperation in the Barents region

The paper analyses the current controversial developments in different fields of European Arctic policies and institutions, i.e. the creation of the Russian Commission for Arctic development and continuation of CBC programmes with a clear emphasis on socio-economic development supplemented by latent militarization of the (Russian) Arctic (Russian dichotomy); and a general support of continuing cooperation with Russia in Arctic issues contested by the idea of enhanced Nordic military cooperation and rapprochement of Finland and Sweden with NATO (Nordic dichotomy). Further, based on the interplay of two dichotomies, four scenarios of Russia – Norden relations are drawn, which emphasize the role of the BEAR as either tribune for different kind of political rhetoric (anti-Russian or anti-Western) or the instrument for social and economic development. Finally, by using the “good old” ideas of desecuritization, the author calls for maintaining of cooperative relations between national and subnational actors in the European Arctic (or BEAR) in the current “interesting times” for international relations.

Mathias Albert and Andreas Vasilache, Bielefeld University: Governmentality of the Arctic Region: Prospects of Cooperation and Conflict

While the prospect for cooperation and conflict in the Arctic region has invariably focused on issues of geopolitical interest, the control over territory, and the exploitation and patterns of circulation of natural resources, the history and practices of representing the Arctic as a wild and untamed space have mostly been treated separately and filed under the rubric of the history of Arctic exploration. The present paper argues that the depiction of conquering the wild and of heroic struggle form as much a part of imagining the Arctic today as it did in the past, yet that the practices of representation have become more subtle and diffuse. Nonetheless, the “epos” of struggle underpins both the possibility of quickly erupting confrontation as much as it underpins the ongoing cooperation in the region. The paper argues that in order to understand the overall governmentality arrangment in relation to the region it is necessary to take this representational dimension into account. The paper will first survey the discussions on cooperation and conflict in the Arctic. In a second step, it will introduce some conceptual aspects on analyzing governmentality and the role of perception and representation in governmental strategies. In doing so, it will draw on the aspect of circulation which is core in governmentality analysis and politics. The third part will then demonstrate how the depiction of conquest and struggle remains a strong presence in contemporary Arctic politics. The final part will draw conclusions on the prospects for cooperation.

Teemu Palosaari, Tampere Peace Research Institute TAPRI: Solving the Arctic Paradox. Global climate change ethics and Arctic oil and gas development

There is a growing interest towards the Arctic natural resources that become available as the sea-ice melts. On the other hand, the global attention towards the Arctic has led some NGOs and non-Arctic states to question the sustainability and moral of Arctic oil and gas exploration at the time when humankind should reduce the carbon emissions. I use the concept of the ‘Arctic Paradox’ to explain the new dynamics in the Arctic: The faster we use fossil fuels, the sooner we get access to new under-ice oil and gas resources. Using those resources then further accelerates climate warming. There appears to be an incompatibility between development of resources in the Arctic and the efforts to limit average global warming to 2 Celsius degrees. I argue that climate change and ethical questions related to Arctic oil and gas have a role to play in the renegotiation of security in the Arctic, particularly so in the era of global climate negotiations and the emission targets. Therefore it is worth analysing how various actors frame Arctic oil and gas development and what kind of problem definition, moral evaluation and treatment recommendations they promote – that is to say how they try to solve, bypass or silence the Arctic Paradox. With the help of the Arctic case, the paper aims to contribute to the debates on climate change ethics, and climate change–conflict nexus. The paper relates to two of the suggested EuPRA conference topics: Arctic as the new space for cooperation vs. competition, and the impact of climate change on conflict and peace.

 

[border culture]

The Border Culture research group at UiT tromsø has organized a panel on the interrelation between a cultural sphere and European borders and processes of bordering. The panel interrogates the ways through which cultural expressions impact upon perceptions, performances, and/or attitudes and this way reiterates or challenges and potentially subverts border-related regimes of in/exclusion in a European context.

Tuulikki Kurki and Saija Kaskinen, University of Eastern Finland: Border as a phenomenological and hermeneutical experience

This theme is discussed in two papers, presented by Tuulikki Kurki and Saija Kaskinen (see Saija Kaskinen’s abstract). These two papers, based on the research project “Writing Cultures and Traditions at Borders” (Academy of Finland), continue to examine both territorial and symbolic borders from cultural perspectives. The purpose of these two papers is to show how cultural studies can contribute to multidisciplinary field of border studies, which so far have focused on geographical, economic, and political issues of borders. These two papers propose that the contribution of cultural studies is to conceptualize and theorize borders through human experience. These experiences in these two papers are expressed through literature, music, poetry, and art. The theoretical purpose of these papers is to show how the Hermeneutic Phenomenology as an approach but also as a method can serve as an analytical focus in border studies when exploring experiences of borders and border crossings in literature and wartime songs. In her paper, Tuulikki Kurki examines these questions through literature and visual images related to Finnish-Russian national border. Saija Kaskinen in her paper examines thirty different songs composed during the Second World War in Finland. Her purpose is to show the border as a phenomenon expressed in songs as well as in singing performances by Finnish Veteran Chorus – Korsu Kuoro. The major findings suggest that the Hermeneutic Phenomenology as a method demands a close inspection of physical, mental, and intellectual experiences which reveal the borders as a universal but also personal phenomenon, and which further forms a base for creating border identities and border cultures.

Mari Ristolainen, UiT Tromsø: The written borders of ”New Russia” at war and peace

This paper examines the narrative construction of Russia´s borders through an analysis of poems published in an online writing portal stihi.ru. The main focus of this paper is on internal and external borders of “New Russia” (Novorossiya) in the Eastern Ukraine. By asking where Russia’s borders are currently located when they exist and are represented in written form, this paper provides an example of cultural production and negotiation of borders at war and peace on the edges of Europe today.

Holger Pötzsch, UiT Tromsø: Art Across Borders: Dislocating Artistic and Curatorial Practices in the Barents Euro-Arctic Region

The present paper investigates the role of artworks in processes of bordering in the Barents Euro-Arctic Region. Drawing upon a neo-formalist framework, it firstly analyses works that were exhibited during the X-Border Art Biennial to identify disruptive potentials vested in the artistic pieces’ formal properties, before it, secondly, addresses potential performance effects of these works and of the curatorial decision to distribute exhibition space across three cities in Sweden, Finland, and Russia. I argue for an ambivalent role of artistic and curatorial practices that have the inherent potential to articulate opposition and de-familiarize established frames for perception and cognition, and at the same time inhere the capacity to reinforce regimes of exclusion and facilitate processes of commodification and capitalization.

 

[post-soviet states and the west]

Stephen Zunes, Professor of Politics, University of San Francisco: Western Involvement in non-violent Eastern European insurgencies

Just as armed socialist movements in the Global South were once alleged by some as part of a Soviet conspiracy for world domination, there are those who are now alleging that unarmed liberal movements in Eastern Europe in recent years are part of a comparable Western conspiracy. While foreign powers certainly seek to take advantage of political transitions for their own geopolitical advantage, such reductionist views which deny agency by those in the midst of such popular struggles appears contrary to empirical research on the origins of these movements and their effective utilization of strategic nonviolent action and other tactics of civil resistance. Examining popular uprisings in Serbia in 2000, in Georgia in 2003, and in Ukraine in 2004 and 2014, this paper examines how assistance from Western governments at times helped a number of opposition groups cover some of the costs of their operations, better enabling them to afford computers, Internet access, fax machines, printing costs, office space and other materials and also helped provide for poll watchers and other logistical support to help insure free and fair elections. However, there appears to be no evidence to suggest that Western entities played a major role in providing training, advice, or strategic assistance for movements that brought down these regimes, that these movements were in any way launched at the behest of foreign governments, or that the outcome would have been significantly difficult without such assistance.

Alexandra Smirnova, Petrozavodsk State University, Russia: Peaceful notions and actors in Russia

Peace studies are not popular in Russia, as the core notions of this sphere are considered to be Western concepts and therefore not relatable and difficult to contribute to. In the IR discourse these notions are also regarded as idealistic and thus potentially dangerous for hindering the fulfilment of Russian state and social interests. However, ideas of value of peace, non-violence and pacifism are embedded in many examples of Russian intellectual heritage, such as classical literature (works of Tolstoy, Solzhenitsyn) and philosophy (Soloviev, Il’in, Berdyaev). All of the major religions practiced in Russia promote peace and non-violence as a way of interacting with other individuals. Ideas of peace and pacifism have been articulated at the state level (i.e. at the Hague peace conference of 1899, Gorbachev’s New political thinking), promoted by social groups and movements (Russian Quakers during the civil war, Russian peace societies of the 19th century, “Trust” group in Moscow) and implemented by certain individuals (I. Bliokh, Y. Novikov, M. Voloshin, S. Sorokin). There has been dialogue between Russian social scientists and their foreign colleagues from the Peace Research School, which is believed to have been quite sustainable even in the time of the “Iron Curtain”. Of course, the above mentioned examples have their historic peculiarities and inherent features. For instance, L. Vshivtseva suggests, that before the end of the Cold War Russian notions of non-violence were of “passive” and “principled” type, whereas European understanding of non-violence was of a “proactive” kind; Soviet “peace studies” were carried out only within the Marxist-Leninist paradigm, etc. Many of the aforementioned actors and movements have engaged or been influenced by transnational interactions, some have even contributed to international understanding of peace and non-violence. Of interest is the potential of this peace narrative in the current context.

* Giray Saynur Derman, Sakarya University, Department of International Relations/ Faculty of Political Sciences: The importance of energy for the EU-Russian relations

This study aims to study the importance of energy for the EU-Russian relations, with focus on the new millennium when Vladimir Putin became the President of Russia in 2000 and when energy prices increased substantially. The link between energy and power politics has come to characterize EU-Russian relations which are seen through energy security pursuit by the EU and Russia’s pursuit to sustain its great power status from the Cold War era. This study argues that the main area of contention in EU-Russian relations is energy. It will analyze how the EU’s dependence on Russian energy imports, lack of EU’s common energy policy, and Russia’s energy foreign policy assertiveness is contributing to EU-Russian conflict. It will be argued that Russia uses energy as a political instrument which prevents the EU from having a common energy policy. Realist paradigm will be used to analyze energy relations and the clash of interests it produces between Russia and the European Union which are seen as rivals that seek to gain power at each other’s expense.

 

[euro-arctic region 2]

Ulrich Kuehn, Institute for Peace Research and Security Policy at the University of Hamburg (IFSH): Cooperative Arms Control in Europe, the Ukraine Conflict, and the Global Nuclear Order

For more than a decade, Europe’s security institutions are in a state of decay. To differ-ent degrees, this development pertains to almost all institutions under the rubric of co-operative security. The realm of arms control, in particular, has been negatively affected. Significant legally and politically binding arms control agreements under the auspices of the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE) are either stagnating, deadlocked, or in retreat. The most prominent example is the Conventional Armed Forces in Europe Treaty (CFE). OSCE participating States remain unable or unwilling to successfully overcome the deadlock in arms control institutions. Mirroring this development, cooperative security institutions between the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) and the Russian Federation have largely ceased to function. With the Ukraine conflict on-going, the deficiencies of the institutions of cooperative arms control in Europe become even more visible. The prospects for reversing this trend are rather low for the moment. What is even more worrisome is that the deadlock of Euro-pean institutions and the effects of the renewed West-Russian confrontation have begun negatively affecting the global nuclear order. The consequences of this negative inter-play are not yet fully assessable. If the confrontation continues over a longer period, which it certainly looks like at the moment, their impact will most likely be severe.

Benjamin Schaller, Centre for Peace Studies, University of Tromsø; Department for Conventional Arms Control and Confidence- and Security-Building Measures in the OSCE-area, German Federal Foreign Office: The Arctic Security Community – A Proving Ground for Restoring Confidence and Mutual Trust in a Tensed European Security Environment?

The European security environment is currently facing one of its most severe crises since the end of the Cold War. The conflictual situation in Ukrain has severely shattered mutual trust and confidence, especially between the Russian Federation and NATO member states and also strongly questions the traditional strict seperation of the different dimensions of security as they are currently embodied in the OSCE area. The proclaimed ‘Arctic Security Community’ however, seems to so far only face few problems induced by spillover effects from the recent developments in Eastern Europe. Due to for example the work of the Arctic Council, projects and procedures of cross-border co-operation for example by research institutions, civil society actors, indigenous people and individuals, diplomats as well as many scholars alike draw an optimistic picture of future Arctic security co-operation. But also in the Arctic, regional background conditions are slowely shifting. Driven by climate change, the Arctic states are confronted with new challenges in the areas of border security, search and rescue, environmental challenges and also need to rethink their strategic interest in the region. To ease out the negative effects of this developments, all Arctic states, as members of the Organization on Security and Co-operation in Europe can rely on a set of different confidence-building measures covering all three dimensions of security. Thus, a number of questions arise. How will changing background factors reshape the Arctic Security environment? How can the Arctic states substantially address the region’s future security challenges? How are the different dimensions of security interlinked and what measures of establishing mutual confidence and trust do exist? What contribution could the Arctic region make with regards to the struggeling European Security Environment?

Rasmus G. Bertelsen, Barents Chair in Politics, University of Tromsø – The Arctic University of Norway: Arctic science diplomacy: a useful tool for managing systemic transitions concerning post-Soviet Russia and the rise of China?

This presentation places the Arctic in ongoing international systemic power transitions: the continuing struggles over Russia’s post-Soviet place in a post-Cold War international system and the rise of China. The West and Russia continue to struggle over the limits of their international and transnational power, especially in Central- and Eastern Europe, currently the Ukraine crisis. This crisis raise fundamental theory-policy questions of realist, liberal or constructivist explanations with subsequent policy advise. Managing the rise of China is perhaps the most important international research and policy question of the coming decades in light of disastrous historical experiences with power transition. Here a fundamental debate is between a John Mearsheimer perspective of balancing China and a Joseph Nye perspective of integrating (but hedging against) China. Moving from the systemic-wide perspective of these two systemic transitions, the paper uses the case of the Arctic and more focused the role of science diplomacy to look at how science (diplomacy) can be used to manage such power transitions. Depending on whether a realist, liberal or constructivist analysis of the Ukraine crisis is correct, science diplomacy plays different roles in addressing this crisis. Concerning the rise of China, the paper shows how the mere suspicion of Chinese investment in energy and raw materials in the Arctic raises opposition and suspicion, while Chinese scientific collaboration is significantly better received, and there are a number of Arctic state-Chinese scientific collaborations as the Yellow River station at Svalbard or the China Iceland Aurora Observatory.

 

[journalism and peace]

Jake Lynch, Centre for Peace and Conflict Studies, University of Sydney: Is Peace Journalism feasible?

Peace Journalism is a set of distinctions in the journalistic representation of conflict, intended to prompt and equip readers and audiences to consider and value nonviolent, co-operative responses to conflict. It was initially adumbrated by Johan Galtung as the ‘policy implications’ of a landmark study of news values, The Structure of Foreign News (Galtung and Ruge, 1965), which identified several filters on news content that arise from the organisational and ideological structures in which professional journalism is embedded. Peace Journalism has been described as a ‘remedial strategy’, to make good on patterns of omission and distortion that supervene as the result of these filters’ operation. But it has also been criticised as an ‘overly voluntaristic and individualistic’ approach, too reliant on journalistic agency and insufficiently attentive to the influences on news content on other levels. However, structures are changing in response to technological affordances, and Peace Journalism is spreading as a worldwide reform agenda. This paper will survey some significant recent developments in the field, and present initial results from research based on training journalist participants in Peace Journalism, then assessing the degree to which they proved able to implement the lessons learned, in their actual reporting.

Rune Ottosen, Oslo and Akershus University College of Applied Sciences, Norway: Twitter vs. terrorism and political violence? – The potential for social media in times of crisis

I an interview with the head of communication in The Norwegian Security Police (PST) the author of this paper was surprised by the answer received to my question: Did you follow twitter and other social media as the events occurred during the terror at Utøya at 22 July 2011?  The answer was: Yes, I followed twitter and was thinking: I hope Buskerud police district is watching this since they were they were operative in charge. As a contrast to this way of thinking the head of Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC), Nathan Huebner stated in an article: “Social media is obviously about more than how we reach out to the public and educate the public. It’s about the public talking to us”. The author of this paper has access to the total tweeter feed on 22 July and through explorative methodology and new theories on social media will ask the research question: Is there any information in the tweeter feed that could have helped to reduce the amount of violence at Utøya? Another research question to be asked is: The perpetrator Ander Behring Breivik was very skilled in the way he used social media to spread his hate speech. The question is whether the authorities by having a more professional and conscious use of social media could have reduced the amount of violence at July 22?

Metin Ersoy, Eastern Mediterranean University, North Cyprus and Leon Miller, Tallinn University of Technology, Estonia: New digital public sphere and democratic peace theory

The academic field of Peace Media has an established track record of researching the role of communication media in peace building, mediating and reducing conflict, acting as a conciliatory agent, and improving understanding, thus enhancing intercultural and interstate relations. However, in spite of the long recognition that conflict occurs due to power clashes over conflicting interests there has been a lack of theory development that establishes a model for analyzing the role that the new media play in creating a shared value sphere plus a platform for establishing common principles and shared objectives that could ameliorate the conflict. That is to say that if the power model of inter-ethnic relations is applied to the Greek and Turkish Cypriot situation the two positions could be ameliorated by means of the collaborative engagement that can occur in a new public forum structured by alternative media.

This article argues that advances in communication technology provides the facilities for a new type of public sphere that offers the means for realizing the democratic peace. The democratic peace is achieved as a result of a Constructivist communication process that generates the knowledge of how to create beneficial and satisfactory outcomes for all participants.  That is to say that the citizens of both sides, based on their confidence in the democratic peace theory, agree to socially contract the common good. The process, according to the principles of liberal democracy, creates an outcome where each individual realizes that his or her best interest is assured by pursuing the common good.

 

[encode]

This panel, Re-Framing European History/ies and Identities in War Films and Games: Media, Memory, Politics is based on the assumption that audio-visual representations of the past matter for politics and society. Taking films, television series, and computer games about wars and violent conflicts as a point of departure, the panel will interrogate the potential effects of cultural expressions on collective memory and on the formation, negotiation, and possibly subversion of (trans)national identities. Identifying means to address culturally formed, contingent frames for perception, cognition, and agency, the papers assembled in this panel argue that how we reconstruct our past has decisive influence on the acts shaping our future. In relation to the socio-cultural frames predisposing acts of both violence and peace, we can simplify this statement with reference to James Der Derian (2002) who argues that “more than a rational calculation of interests takes us to war. People go to war because of how they see, perceive, picture, imagine and speak of others; that is, how they construct the difference of others as well as the sameness of themselves through representation”. The panel will investigate how this social construction of friend, foe, and conflict in the sphere of cultural expressions operates. The panel is organized by the ENCODE-research group at UiT Tromsø.

Holger Pötzsch, Department of Culture and Literature, UiT: Re-Framing European Histories: Simulation, Memory, and the Relentless Salience of Violent Pasts

The European project, with its challenging objective to transform national into transnational identities and allegiances, has been born from a history of exceptional violence that culminated in the industrial-style slaughters of World War II. Since then, direct violence has (more or less) successfully been confined to the outskirts of the European Union with the wars in the former Yugoslavia and the civil war in present day Ukraine as the most glaring (European) examples. However, also the structural violences of joint European border regimes claim an increasingly heavy toll counting in the thousands those who drown in the Mediterranean on their way to what many of them hoped might offer an escape from violence, poverty, and deprivation. The present paper asks how this legacy of violence, and its haunting continuity, is negotiated in contemporary Western audio-visual culture with particular emphasis on computer games. After a brief excursion into how Knut Erik Jensen’s films negotiate these issues, I move on to a critical reading of the World War II-based shooter Call of Duty: World at War (Activision 2008), before I direct attention the ways through which This War of Mine (11bit Studios 2015) extends a civilian perspective on the Bosnian civil war to an allegorical dimension with relevance for modern warfare in general. I show an ambivalence of popular cultural expressions that might glorify soldiery and sacrifice for the sake of the nation, but that also might bring to light and make accessible hidden and suppressed counter-histories that undermine clear-cut us-against-them and good-against-evil frames for historical identity construction. The paper argues for the continued saliency in today’s Europe of national historical imaginations of suffering and sacrifice in war, and shows how cultural expressions might fuel or challenge the formation of mutually exclusive identities based on these frames of reference. Through their capacity to play through various versions of history and test out counterfactual decisions and developments, computer games offer an interesting venue into questioning monolithic national narratives of suffering and loss that often serve as means to justify violent approaches to conflict resolution as necessitated by historical precedence.Roswitha Skare, Department of Culture and Literature, UiT: The Three-Part Television Series Generation War (ZDF 2013): Representations of German and Polish Identities and the Discourse of Authenticity

Produced in the genre of the historical series, the film is described as “the most lavish ZDF television film of all time”, representing a turning point in German television history in its visualisation of the war’s impact on an individual level. Although the fictionality of the film’s plot is not denied at any point, individuals involved in the film such as director Phillipp Kadelbach emphasise the film’s claim to maintain authenticity.  The present paper will first focus on the relationship between fictional plot and historical reality and then – in a second step – investigate the representation of German and Polish identities, taking into account discussions about the question of whether the film’s representation of historical events is “true” or distorted, especially the role of the Polish Home Army and its representation as anti-Semitic in the film.

Andrei Rogatchevski, Department of Culture and Literature, UiT: Representations of European versus Russian/Soviet Identity in Cold War Spy Films: James Bond against Count Tulyev

Imagining your adversary in the atmosphere of high political tension, accompanied by the absence of direct contact and verifiable information, often leads to myths about national and transnational identities. Such myths may prove more powerful than reality, and retain their impact and significance long after the political tensions are gone. Moreover, when such tensions flare up afresh, the relevant myths receive a new lease of life. With this in mind, the present paper compares and contrasts the visual representation of the Other’s identity in Cold War times, in three films from the James Bond franchise (From Russia with Love, 1963; The Spy Who Loved Me, 1977; and The Living Daylights, 1987), as well as four films about the Soviet double agent Count Tulyev (four Secret Agent films by Veniamin Dorman, 1968-86). Bond’s tongue-in-cheek Russia-related imagery relies not only on stereotypes about chess, ballet and classical literature (immortalised in the characters of General Pushkin and General Gogol), but also on its cinematic predecessors, such as Ivan the Terrible (1944-58), Lawrence of Arabia (1962) and Dr Zhivago (1965). Interestingly and perhaps somewhat unexpectedly, Russians are shown as competitors, not enemies, some of whom are even capable of love (for a Westerner) that is stronger than the Marxist ideology. For Dorman’s part, the Secret Agent films contain an unusually high proportion of scenes in the “West” (i.e. various locations in the Baltic republics, then part of the USSR) which together conjure up a common European identity almost before its time, largely because the adversary is rarely specified. Sometimes Dorman’s Westerners speak German and French – but CIA representatives can also be found. If anything, the Secret Agent franchise is strongly and indiscriminately anti-NATO. This makes Dorman’s films highly relevant again in the light of the recent, rapidly developing confrontation between NATO and the Kremlin, which has an eerie sense of deja vu.

Emil Lundedal Hammar, department of Culture and literature, UiT: Commemoration through Play – How Computer Games Predispose the Performance of Memories of Conflict and Oppression

This paper aims to explore the ways in which the design of computer games is able to commemorate conflict and/or oppression based on online testimonies of two differing cases. On the one hand, with point of departure in the online reaction to the depiction of the Russian military effort in World War 2 in the computer game Company of Heroes 2 (Relic Entertainment 2013), the paper uncovers how specific instances of memory are constrained through the design of a computer game. On the other hand, I similarly utilize the cases of Assassin’s Creed: Liberation (Ubisoft Sofia 2012) and Assassin’s Creed: Freedom Cry (Ubisoft Quebec 2013) and their related online testimonies of appreciation by people identifying as a member of an oppressed or as a marginalized social group. I argue that this alternate take on how memory can be enacted and performed in a computer game point towards the emancipating and cathartic qualities of ludic commemorative performances tied to identities associated with memorial oppression and marginalization. These two differing cases of personal testimonies and collective reactions indicate that the design of a computer game is able to constrain or afford specific enactments or performances related to cultural memories associated with conflict and oppression. Consequently, if we consider digital games to be technologies designed as “explicit and tacit models of social and personal memory” (Van House & Churchill, 2008, p. 297), then they to various extents predispose how such memory is constructed and enacted. As such, I tentatively propose the concept of appropriative commemorative play as a way to understand and capture how the design of certain computer games are able to contribute to our memory of past conflict and/or oppression, and how these differing cases reveal the tension of this particular concept.

 

[UN, EU, peacekeeping, [non-]violence]

Siwen Huang, Centre for Peace Studies, University of Tromsø – The Arctic university of Norway: Major Powers’ position on the use of Armed Force for the Protection of Strangers

This presentation is going to explore Major Powers’ positions on the use of armed force for the protection of strangers under certain humanitarian atrocities. These Major Powers concerned include European Union States as a whole, the United States, Russia and China, which exhibit a spectrum of manner from zealously advocating to mostly non-supportive. The use of armed force for the protection of strangers from serious violations of human rights is the main content of the doctrine of unilateral humanitarian intervention (UHI), which has lived through a long history of international relations, from an age when States-resorting-to-war was legal to the time when the use of force is generally prohibited by international law. The legality of unilateral humanitarian intervention (UHI) is quite controversial since the sign of the UN Charter, which lays down strict rules about the scope of lawful use of force. Strictly speaking, unilateral humanitarian intervention (UHI) presumably falls outside this scope. Yet hardly UHI could be legalized on grounds of customary international law, due to a lack of both general State practice and opinio juris. After the end of Cold War, a new form of humanitarian intervention, collective humanitarian intervention (CHI), comes into the cause of international society, which is generally recognized as a lawful use of force under the Charter because of the authorization of the UN Security Council. The main content of the CHI is absorbed into the text of the third pillar of the new-emerging doctrine of “Responsibility to Protect (R2P)”, which is recognized by most States. However, States which hold decision power hardly reach a stable consensus on whether to use military force, when all necessary conditions are, at least presumably, meet under R2P. This presentation will present Major Powers’ attitudes towards UHI, CHI, and R2P after the establishment of the United Nations. It is also going to explore the current humanitarian dilemma of international community in the case of Syria and possible solutions.

Randolph Rhea, UiT, Centre for Peace Studies: Disarmament, Demobilization, & Reintegration: Paradoxes of Local Reintegration Processes

Over the last three decades DDR has evolved from a fledgling peacekeeping measure to a core pillar in post-conflict peacebuilding and development. Despite the publication of key guiding documents in the last decade, such as the IDDRS, there have been continuous calls from scholars and practitioners alike against “blueprint thinking” – that instead DDR programs must be rooted in the local context. This is perhaps no more true than in the case of the reintegration phase of DDR programming – where ex-combatants face the enormous challenge of reshaping their identities not just in political and economic terms, but also in social terms. Despite the contributions of many scholars and practitioners over the last decades fundamental questions are abound. What do the processes of reintegration look like on local terms? Is it possible to see beyond the horizons of DDR’s implicit liberal worldview to truly engage with local perspectives of reintegration? Based on that analysis of survey data from nearly 10,000 ex-combatants and community members across Rwanda, Uganda, Burundi, DRC, & RoC, as well as fieldwork in South Sudan, this presentation explores the paradoxes of attempts to produce knowledge about local reintegration processes through Monitoring & Evaluation as a part of DDR programming.

Rachel Julian, Leeds Beckett University: Challenging peacekeeping: how the incorporation of nonviolence reaches out to the ‘local’

Peacekeeping is the prevention and reduction of violence but it has remained dominated by the ‘Westphalian’ and ‘liberal’ peace concepts and relies on military approaches and government led interventions to implement. This dominance has limited challenges to the assumptions underlying this approach, and has reduced the space available to debate effectiveness, efficiency and relevance of traditional peacekeeping. EU member states are among the main contributors to global peacekeeping, but the EU Parliament has explored civilian responses to violent conflict and it is timely for us to understand how these seemingly opposing views can be brought together. Unarmed Civilian Peacekeeping (UCP) is a way we can explore this connection. Using nonviolence and rooted in the needs and capacities of local communities, UCP has been successfully used by civilians around the world for over 30 years to prevent and reduce violence. This approach challenges current thinking in peacekeeping and provides an alternative method to fill the gap in demonstrating how peacekeeping is relevant and achievable at the local level. In this paper, peacekeeping will be set within a context of peacemaking and peacebuilding to explore how a range of approaches are used in the creation of sustainable peace. It will show how some of the assumptions behind current peacekeeping (including the need for force to protect people and reduce violence) and its theoretical basis leave it unable to connect to the ‘local’ – something which is an important component of peacebuilding. This paper argues that UCP should be developed and incorporated as a recognized component of peacekeeping, but independent of military and government structures in order to maintain the strengths and complementarity. This paper uses case studies and examples to explore and comment on the UCP relationship to other peacekeeping theory.

Firuze Simay Sezgin, Sabanci University – Istanbul, Turkey: Speed, Size and Composition of the United Nations Peacekeeping Operations’ Initial Deployments

The first few months of the United Nations (UN) peacekeeping operations are critical stages for achieving stable peace, and the speed, size, and composition of the initial deployments have a vital importance for the UN to signal its commitment to the mission. This thesis is the first systematic analysis on the factors that determine the speed of forming resolutions and deployments, initial contribution levels, and composition of the UN peacekeeping operations. We tested hypotheses drawn from Realist and Liberal theories of international relations. We find that self-interest of the contributing countries do not increase the contribution rates or accelerate the deployment process, but the conflicts that pose a threat to international security are more likely to receive quicker deployments. For the Liberal accounts, we find that democracies contribute more than non-democracies. Recipient countries with long-standing intense conflicts are more likely to receive slower formed resolutions and slower deployments with lower participation rates. However, as a new measure to the literature, if a recipient country experiences a spike in deaths prior to the establishment of the operation, then this humanitarian crisis leads countries to contribute more with a prompt deployment.

 

[balkan, security, minorities]

Mimoza Telaku, Ben Gurion Uiversity of the Negev, Kosovo: Perceptions of Collective Narratives and Acculturation Attitudes

The Case of Serbs and Albanians in Kosovo Mimoza Telaku One of the biggest challenges in reconciliation is rigidity of the socio-psychological repertoire related to the conflict. This repertoire includes perceptions of collective narratives and acculturation attitudes which are examined as indicators of openness toward the other group. This paper examines the model of perceptions of collective narratives within a unique and rarely examined post-conflict context in Kosovo. The perceptions of collective narratives, which represent the emotional-cognitive aspect of openness towards the “other’s” narrative, are evaluated by the readiness to legitimate different historical and sociopolitical narratives that are controversial among these two groups and feelings of empathy and anger toward them. Acculturation attitudes are estimated by attitudes toward immersion to the “other” group as represented in several domains (friendship, neighborhood, workplace, music, language, customs, and ethnic community affairs). The survey tools were constructed from the qualitative data gathered by focus groups. The survey was conducted in 2015 among representative samples of 202 Albanian adults and 122 Serb adults. The results show that there are significant relationships between the perceptions of collective narratives and acculturation attitudes in the various domains. Keywords: Post-conflict, Acculturation Attitudes, Perceptions of Collective Narratives, Albanians, Serbs.

Megumi Nishimura, Ritsumeikan University, Japan: The structures of Kosovo double power: struggles of peoples self-determination against ethnic self-determination

This paper analyze the normative debates which sustain the double power structure in Kosovo for the past 20 years. North Mitrovica is dominated by the parallel structures by Kosovo Serbs. This situation cannot be explained solely by the supports of Republic of Serbia. This paper asserts that the double power structure is sustained by the following reasons. First, it is sustained by the unsolved debates between peoples’ self-determination or ethnic self-determination. Second, despited the fact that the international community criticizes the Serbian supports of the parallel structure by Kosovo Serbs, it recognizes the presence by negotiating with them. Thirdly, the paper also discusses the normative debated within the communities of Kosovo Serbs. Although many existing literature regard that Serbs are monolith, Kosovo Serbs are engaged in lively debates on whether or not they should be integrated into the newly emerged Kosovo state institutions. Based upon the constructivist framework, the paper emphasizes the needs to analyze the civil societies debates.

Jagoda Rosul-Gajic, Columbia University/Universität der Bundeswehr München: Women’s advocacy and the implementation of the UNSCR 1325 in BiH

In this paper I address the question of how Bosnian women’s NGOs have contributed to the implementation UNSCR 1325 on Women, Peace, and Security in BiH. It argues that the Bosnian women’s NGOs as norm advocates have been working with a double strategy to call attention to non-compliance with international gender-specific norms and to enforce change. Unlike most global norm diffusion literature, this article argues that in order to act gender-sensitive, not only national actors need to be socialized to comply with the norm on gender, peace and security, but also the international actors in the post-conflict internationalized society of Bosnia. Hence, it doesn’t only look at the process of norm translation into domestic policies but also in the policies of international actors in the internationalized post conflict countries, who also did not or do not comply with international norms and standards. Based on the analyses of the advocacy work of the Bosnian women’s-NGOs the double strategy model includes different phases of the activities from women’s NGOs as norm advocates: Orientation Phase, Agenda-setting Phase, Policy-Creation and Norm Implementation Phase. In line with Krook and True (2010) or Zwingel (2014) I conceptualized norms as “open-ended” or as “work in progress” rather than as a finished products, since each norm includes a process, from the other norms arise, whether at the international or national level. Research for this study was conducted on a trip to BiH in the summer of 2013. I interviewed women’s rights activists, parliamentary representatives, scholars as well as staff members of international organizations and international donors. I collected documents, reports, protests letters on government and international organizations, and other materials put out by women’s-NGOs used for their campaigns to implement the UNSCR 1325.

* Lidija Čehulić Vukadinović, University of Zageb, Faculty of political sciences and Member of Executive Board of the Atlantic Council of Croatia: Integration of the Western Balkans in euroatlantic space. How can NATO help to solve the contemporary strategic problems in Europe

The enlargement policy of NATO is one of the most successful policies of the Alliance, although its role in NATO’s transformations process is not stressed enough. NATO today is one of the rare international organizations (the only military political one) for which membership countries still show their interest. In the time when NATO seeks for more optimal ways to redefine relations with Russia, NATO can offer something more than Moscow, and that is euroatlantic partnership. The enlargement could be a bargaining chip in relation to Russia, because in every future situation of possible new members, NATO can be able to think about new members according to their relation with Russia. The area of the Western Balkans is still turbulent part of Europe with so many old (border disputes, ethnic, religious problems…) but as many new challenge to security and stability, not only for that region, but for a wider euroatlantic space (influence of Russia, the voices of radical Islam, pour socio-economic situations, terrorism –Zvornik, Kumanovo…) The process of democratization of the countries from the Western Balkans has stopped. Being a member of NATO for them means europeization of their whole societies. For that reason NATO should open its door and except them if and when they are going to fulfill the criteria for membership.

 

[arts and peace 1]

Craig Robertson, University of Leeds, England: Musicological ethnography and peacebuilding (inter-religious choir – Sarajevo)

Musicological Ethnography and Peacebuilding Based on my PhD research with an inter-religious choir in Sarajevo, Bosnia-Herzegovina, this paper discusses my interdisciplinary methodologies and suggests how this approach might be applied to future peacebuilding efforts. The use of ethnographic methods in research is an attempt to understand a social scene as close to that of those within the scene as possible. Normally, the data collected is linguistic in nature, although the visual and gestural, embodied data is increasingly included. There is very little consideration of the aural in this form of research. Even when the audio is considered, it is often described in written language rather than considered it to be data in and of itself, thereby creating a translation issue. In my own research in Sarajevo, I have made the case for sound and music as ethnographic data (Robertson 2014), since it is a means of experiencing and expressing tacit cultural understanding within and without a particular social group. This paper examines the commonalities between this approach and the peacebuilding strategies of Lederach et al (http://www.beyondintractability.org/) and proposes how musicological ethnography might be useful as a tool for increased intercultural understanding in peacebuilding activities.

Ellen Frank, Illumination Arts, USA: Cities of Peace: The Transformative Power of Illuminated Art to Build A Global Culture of Peace and Understanding

In this presentation, I will describe the CITIES OF PEACE project in its newest global iteration, share images of existing artwork, and assess what I, as project founder and its artistic, scholarly director, take to be its strengths and limitations as a peacebuilding initiative. Over 10 years, I worked with artist-interns from 20 countries, producing 9 artworks 69” x 104”, each illuminated with gold leaf. Utilizing extensive research, each painting represents and honors a city devastated by war or internecine violence, but celebrating its history, scientific and cultural achievements. In January I presented CITIES OF PEACE at the 70th Commemoration of the Liberation of Auschwitz, leading a roundtable with 40 Polish artists living in the shadow of Auschwitz-Birkenau atrocities. We discussed the collaborative creation of a new CITIES OF PEACE COMMEMORATIVE PAINTING: HONORING LIBERATION. At EuPRA, I propose to explore how to further utilize UNESCO’s capacity-building modules that parallel existing CITIES OF PEACE pedagogy: intercultural dialogue as a bridge to development and sustainability, bringing forth a new focus to engage countries in effective cooperation; human rights learning through the visual arts; heritage and contemporary creativity as peacebuilding tools. I will discuss CITIES OF PEACE’s potential to: shape and impact policy for peaceful coexistence with transparency for EU countries; protect and preserve the vital role of cities; heal intergenerational legacy of traumatic conflict, including youth and artists’ despondency; and foster social cohesion. I will seek input from other artist/peacebuilders on how to increase this project’s usefulness in new global arenas and how to describe it so that it will be compelling to funders and others with resources that could sustain it and help it grow.

 

[education and peace 1]

Helen Verran, University of Tromsø – Norway’s Arctic university: Learning to Do Difference Together

In the 1980s, while teaching science education students at Obafemi Awolowo University in south west Nigeria, I stumbled across what I came to understand as a remarkable capacity for ontological negotiation amongst Yoruba primary school children (Learning Inquiry, (2007) 1:31-39). These youngsters, deeply bilingual in Yoruba and English were growing up in a setting where modern institutions flourished in engagement with traditional Yoruba institutions. As young knowing-selves, these children had developed the means for collectively going-on doing difference. More than that, a significant proportion of them offered an informed commentary on what is involved in doing this. In the years that have followed I have pursued this insight—that ontological negotiation of difference is practically feasible, and leads to robust forms of engagement, in working in northern Australia. Here commitment to institutionally doing difference together in engagements of institutions of modern nation state governance and institutions of traditional Aboriginal Australian governance, has varied on both sides over the twenty five years of my involvement. There has been resort to violence by both sides during this time. More recently, with South African colleagues I have elaborated possibilities opened up by commitment to ontological negotiation in Namaqualand. In my presentation I describe and explain in more detail what is involved in commitment to working ontologically to negotiate difference Some fifteen years ago, I was approached by a Jewish American and asked to consider how ontological negotiation might enable robust mutual engagement between Israelis and Palestinians—a hardest case perhaps. In my presentation I speculate on what might be involved. In part, and despite the profound difference of our methods, I am encouraged to plunge into this work by Bruno Latour’s attempt to imagine what would be involved in re-design of modern institutions to attend to values.

Lekh Baral, University of Tromsø – Norways Arctic University: Expansion and Growth of English as a Language of Instruction in Nepal’s School Education

Expansion and Growth of English as a Language of Instruction in Nepal’s School Education: Towards Pre-Conflict Reproduction or Post-Conflict Transformation? Despite growing understanding and recognition of the need to offer education in the mother tongue or in a familiar language, there is a growing trend to adopt a foreign language (more particularly English) as a language of instruction. In Nepal, language of instruction (English vs Nepali) has been one of the major factors that distinguish private schools from the state schools. In recent years, however, there is a new trend among government schools to switch to English. In this presentation, I present the findings of a study that sought to critically examine how English as a language of instruction has affected the quality of teaching and learning. The study is the result of a qualitative field research conducted in three cities in Nepal (viz. Kathmandu, Pokhara and Surkhet) in June 2014 that includes the voices of practicing teachers. It is also supplemented by the researcher’s observation notes and interactions with gatekeepers and local contacts. Although Nepal’s English medium schools have been able to secure good examination results for their students, the results of the study indicate that adoption of English has not only limited students’ creativity, but has also hindered implementation of student centered classroom teaching. Lack of teachers’ proficiency and sub-standard text materials have further compounded the problem thereby seriously limiting classroom interaction, and dialogue. The conclusion of this study is that the current trend of growth of budget English medium schools and expansion of English as a language of instruction to government schools does not address the need to educational reform and end the two-tier inequality so as to contribute to a post-conflict transformation.

 

Hitomi Sakamoto, Toyo Gakuen University: Global Greenglish Project for Peace Education

This session will explain how the presenter has facilitated an intercultural exchange project with a focus on environmental issues between Turkey and Japan from 2011 up until now. The presenter suggests that arranging a similar exchange project between Japan and European countries would widen the horizons of learners in both continents. “Greenglish” is a coined word combining “green” and “English.” In English classes, students can learn about environmental issues such as energy, global warming, endangered species, etc. The Turkish teacher who is the presenter’s partner received the EU Language Award for this project. Nowadays, English is increasingly becoming the lingua franca which allows global citizens to think about world problems and collective solutions. The Turkish teacher and the presenter developed the “Greenglish” Project to a collaborative classroom project, and succeeded in creating international learner communities. The learners in both countries became more interested in each other’s culture and more motivated to use English as a communication tool. They exchanged their ideas through letters, posters and video messages. This intercultural project was initiated by one class in Turkey just after the earthquake and tsunami in Japan in 2011. Today the area encompassing the participating schools has increased with the addition in January 2014 of an elementary school in Fukushima, where students are still struggling with leaked radiation from the nuclear power plant that was damaged by the earthquake and tsunami. Turkish students who learned about radiation were concerned about the children in Fukushima and wrote encouraging letters to them. The Comenius Programme is conducted within EU and its environs, but extending the area to Asian countries like Japan and educating future generations in this manner would benefit students and teachers on both continents and contribute to world peace.

 

[cooperation, technology and sustainable development]

Arnim Reger, Fraunhofer IPA, Germany: Establishing cross boarder industry cooperation by developing international studies in emerging Technologies

The Bavarian-Czech border region is characterized by two world wars and almost 50 years of cold war. In the first years after the opening of the boarder, wage differentials led to outward migration of the workforce on the Czech side. Tourism and tax differentials also cause a stronger cross-linking in this border region. Besides, the current increasing urbanization influences the cross-linking of the border region. Young and well educated people migrate to the metropolitan regions Prague, Munich and Nuremberg on both sides. Thus there is a lack of skilled workers in the Bavarian-Czech border region and a declining interest in language skills and culture. In this paper an approach for a strong international cross linking by developing international studies in emerging technologies in the Bavarian-Czech border region is discussed. Students on both sides should be connected by cross border industrial projects with a strong focus on artificial intelligence in industrial engineering. The resulting networks should give a basis for further cross border projects in emerging technologies. The effect of the growing economic and scientific interdependence regarding prosperity and long-term peace is discussed.

Johannes Böhner, Fraunhofer Gesellschaft, research group process innovation: Industrial Sustainability – how cross-border cooperation can enhance peace in Europe

Due to the ongoing climate change and the limited availability of fossil fuels, industry across Europe is forced to increase its sustainability in general and its energy efficiency in specific. Since the disposability of energy is one critical success factor being relevant for economic success of individual countries, energy efficiency being addressed as an upcoming political driver to protect peace. In our collaborative research work, we therefore engineered a methodology to access and to benchmark the transnational industrial sustainability performance in industrial sectors. Applying this methodology during a series of case studies in the Polish and German industry, the sustainability performance of those neighbouring countries were evaluated. Based on the findings individual research goals were identified, to increase sustainability. Besides social and economic issues, the ecological perspective is the future challenge especially in Germany, where the nuclear phase is ongoing. To achieve this political goal the Green Factory Bavaria was established as a research platform to discuss, demonstrate and support energy efficiency. Hence gathered results of this research work are firstly discussed concerning to their contribution to increase sustainability and therefore support peace in Europe.

Oliver Richmond, Manchester University: The Evolution of Mediation in International Relations: A Critical Perspective

What does it mean to mediate in the contemporary world? During the Cold War and since various forms of international intervention, from peacekeeping to peacebuilding, statebuilding,  and the R2P doctrine, were either high-level processes essentially used to maintain a fragile strategic and territorially sovereign balance between states and their elite leaders, or to build new states and inculcate new norms, using a mixture of diplomacy, direct or governmental power. In the post-Cold War era intervention began to mediate the sovereign state and ethnicity with the liberal peace, as in Bosnia Herzegovina. In the cases of Northern Ireland, identity, territorial sovereignty, and the nature of governance also began to be mediated, leading to more complex, post-liberal and pluralist approaches. With the onset of statebuilding in Iraq and Afghanistan, territorial sovereignty began to be mediated by capital and new technologies of intervention. Contemporary mediation attempts have repeatedly failed in Syria and Libya. This paper lays out a typology of historical stages, which are often overlapping, relating to the development of international mediation, and examines whether it is still a viable tool in contemporary IR.

* Murat Ayan, Adıyaman University, Faculty of Economics and Administrative Sciences, Business Department, Management and Organization: Social peace management for European peace. Suggestion of a quality excellence model

Quality activities are processes to increase quality for both product and service. Quality activities contain various means and models in itself in order to form and generalize the training and management for peace in social meaning. In this study, which will also affect the social peace, especially by means of service sector, “Quality Excellence Model for Social Peace Management” is suggested.

 

[psychology and peace]

Claudio Lanza, University of Bologna – Campus of Forlí, Italy: The European Union and the mimetic rivalry threat

In 1992, the European Member States signed the Treaty of Maastricht. The “European Community” was founded with the promise of peace and prosperity, following the belief of those who claimed the impossibility of a war against the profit. However, because of the Financial Crisis of 2008, the prosperity achieved, was quickly lost. Immediately after that, the “Union” among the European Member States has faced significant threats. The European élites found no room in which take all gathered, unlike the Americans were able to do. The real possibility of losing prosperity was not enough to preserve the solidarity. The solution found, notably the exportation of the German model based on austerity, has been profoundly questioned because it contributed to widen the gap between North and South of Europe. However, on the one hand, the Southerners continue to copy, even with more conviction, the German model of austerity, though their conditions are worsening, affected, as they are, by the highest level of unemployment and strong waves of political and institutional instability. On the other hand, the Northerners “obsession” for austerity is greater than before, though, if fully implemented, it can produce the European Union disintegration. If the chance of prosperity was not enough to preserve a peaceful environment, what can be the answer? How these irrational dynamics can be explained? Based on a socio-psychological approach, this paper argues that the recognition of the mimetic dynamics that are poisoning the inner EU relations can show off and explain this new threat for the European Union, notably the mimetic competition, giving the instructions to prevent it. Otherwise, the emerge of mimetic rivalries could put an end to the only construction that helped the Europeans to cope with conflicts in a peaceful way.

Stephanie Thiel, Justus Liebig University Giessen, Germany: The Threat from Within: How to Stop the Crumbling of European Values

Over the past years, Europe has been witnessing an increasing amount of skepticism in view of the common European project. Nationalism, extremism and racism are on the rise again: The National Front in France, The Fins, Vlaams Belang in Belgium, Golden Dawn in Greece, Anders Breivik in Norway are just a few examples. One of the latest phenomena is Pegida in Germany. Although Pegida (a German acronym for “Patriotic Europeans against the Islamisation of the Occident”) appears to be a short-term phenomenon, it displays the widespread dissatisfaction with European immigration policies and the increasing alienation towards politics and the media (“Lying Press”). Now, we are facing the consequences of years of national politicians playing on migrants for populist purposes and using the European Union as a scapegoat for their own political faults. Today, European populations neither trust Europe nor their own governments. Nevertheless, in view of the globalization of economy, communication, chances and risks, the European Union does not have any alternative to its further development and its own reinvention. The flow of refugees will not run dry but swell. Moreover, Europe’s wealth is not least based upon the colonial legacy, the lack of jurisdiction in regard to European companies, the exploitation of unequal trade relations, unequal pollutant emissions with unequally distributed consequences, arms exports which further destabilise large parts of the world etc. Therefore, it is time to actively change and shape Europes global future challenges. How can this be done? The problems are manifold and so are the approaches. A central aspect are the human rights. This paper will analyse Pegida as a representative for other right-wing populist movements, deduce necessities for action from this analysis and put up suggestions for discussion in regard to implementation.

Olga Kobzeva, Murmansk State Humanities University, Russia: Cooperation as a strategy of solving conflict by self-realized personality

The attitude to conflicts in modern society is gradually changing from the rejection and suppression to the realization of the necessity of working with them and finding ways for their resolution. The conflict situation turns out to be represented in the consciousness of each participant of the conflict and has a certain personal significance for them. The assessment component determines the nature, content behavior of participants of the conflict as the representation about themselves and othes is formed on the basis of a certain life experience. According to the psychological theory of emotional stress by F.Ye. Vasilyuk, possible discrepancies in representations of the conflict participants are defined by their subjective constituents. During the work on the conflict the assessment of the situation’s difficulty, its significance and resources for overcoming is realizing. Another important variable influencing the process, the effectiveness of conflict situations N.Deutsch considers peculiarities of relations between the conflicting parties. The author focuses on the expectations, stereotypes actors in relation to each other, a reflection of its socio-psychological significance. The strategy of «cooperation» is the most effective strategy to resolve the conflict situation and suppose the formation of understanding interests and needs of each other of the conflicting parties. Besides, intellectual abilities of opponents, experience in negotiations have the determinant impact on the efficiency of mediation procedure. That’s why, in a situation of conflict regulation, the independent work of opponents on the processing of their own feelings and emotions is an integral part of productive work on the conflict. It promotes the transition from «emotional blindness» by the conflict to the opportunity of its rational consideration.

Kseniia Gladkih, Murmansk State Humanities University, Russia: Sabona method or legitimate way of solving conflict

Sabona method or legitimate way of solving conflict Everyone faces the stimuli and stressors which cause conflict situations that lead to the conflict. Personalities s constantl in conflict situations with somebody (different point of view, interesting, aims). When the personality is in conflict it leads to frustration or depressive behavior. So it needs ways to solve conflict without nervous and psychological resources and all parties of conflict would be satisfied. Sabona meet this criteria. Sabona is the name for a toolbox with 7 basic tools to analyze, understand and solve conflicts. The first 3 give the theoretical foundation, and the next 4 offer practical ways and receipts to handle conflict. Seeing a person an seeing beyond behavior is central elements of this method. The maim goal of Sabona is enhance the handling of colliding goals and improve social skills. One of diagnostical method which define behavior strategy in conflict situations is K.Thomas’s inquirer. There were 50 respondents taking part in research. The results of research have showed that the constraint strategy dominated in 55 %, the departure strategy was less peculiar (5%). After training basic tools solving conflicts with Sabona the following results were obtained. The cooperation strategy (40%) dominanted in this group so respondents revalued their behavior in conflict situation. In that way Sabona is the optimum method for solving conflict and preventive measures conflicts and conflict behavior. This method is equally effective in professional sphere and in private relations. Sabona is programming not only legitimate ways of solving conflicts but this method requires minimal energy consumption and force.

 

[arts and peace 2]

Ruben Moi, UiT – The Arctic University of Norway: War and Peace in the Poetry of Northern Ireland How has Belfast changed since the Good Friday Agreement in 1998?

How do we know? In the processes of recording the on-going transformations in people, culture and society in the recent history of this troubled city, Sinéad Morrissey’s five collections of poetry from There Was Fire in Vancouver (1996) to the T.S. Eliot prize-winning Parallax (2013) offer one possibility of meditating upon the passages of people, society and culture from the mid-nineties until today in the oeuvre of one particular artist. This essay analyses how Morrissey’s poetry captures by artistic creativity the emotional and spiritual changes that complement the statistics, surveys and political discourses that represent and attempt to move forward the current condition. Her poetry, in this respect, while still recording old debates of history, nationality, identity and politics, observes emerging individual attitudes and social concerns, and intimates current contours of culture and possible formations of future. Her poetry creates a continuance and a contrast to the 1995 Nobel Laureate Seamus Heaney’s poetic presentations of the conflict in Northern Ireland from 1968-1998, which will be established concisely as a point of departure. The significance of poetry to peace in a wider context of provides a wider context for the discussions of how war and peace in Northern Ireland are artistically presented in the poetry of Heaney and Morrissey.

Frank Möller, Tampere Peace Research Institute, University of Tampere, Finland: The Violence of witnessing artists (Violence in images)

The Violence of Witnessing Artists trick viewers into engagement with the conditions referenced in their artworks by various means, among other things by utilizing the space of architecture (van Alphen 2005). The space of architecture engages vision by creating obstacles, and obstacles create the wish to conquer them. The process of conquering obstacles can be understood as a process of reflection, in the course of which hitherto neutral and passive observers transfigure into what I (2013), following Taylor (2003), have called participant witnesses who self-critically engage with the conditions depicted in a given image. According to van Alphen, however, the space of architecture also makes viewers wish to enter a space that is not their own and that has to be respected as someone else’s. To respect someone else’s space appears to be pertinent especially wit regard to representations of people in pain: intruding upon their space would seem to be an act of violence disregarding a person’s most intimate sphere – and his or her right to intimacy – even if the intention is to empathize with this person and to acknowledge his or her experience. When exposed to photographic representations of human suffering utilizing the space of architecture, then, the problematic issues are not only gratification and pleasure, identified in the aestheticization debate as parasitical, unethical and unproductive. The issue is also one of intrusion and violence: the violence of the photographic act, following the violence of the social world, is followed by the violence of the act of witnessing. However, both the violence of photography and the violence of witnessing are necessary.

 

[education and peace 2]

Tatiana Teterevleva, Northern Arctic Federal University Arkhangelsk: What/how do we teach about our neighbours? Peace History as a Path to the Peaceful Future

Historians and political scientists seem to gravitate perpetually toward the study of war. The analysis of the school history curriculum and historical-cultural standard developed recently in Russia demonstrates the predominant attention paid to rivalry and conflict interaction between the countries, which poses a natural question: Is the history of our neighbours just the history of our wars with them? The main problems of the existing history textbooks are introvert narrative and mainly state prospect; history of international relations is seen mainly through state foreign policy, competition and wars: the state of mind that can be described as a “militarized historical consciousness”. In this context history textbooks act more as carriers of the stereotypes and memory of the conflicts, than a source for mutual understanding. The proposed paper focuses on the prospects and main directions of the development of the history of peace as a basis of teaching history on the regional level, on the ways of formation and representation new types of narratives about the common past (based on the materials of the Barents Region).

Josefine Raasch, Ruhr-University Bochum, Germany: Making Futures Different from the Past. Opportunities for Peace Education in History classes

This paper aims to contribute empirically and theoretically to the discourse in Peace Education. Empirically, it is based on data gained through original ethnographic research in a Year 9 class at a German secondary school over a six-month period. Theoretically, it applies a methodological approach to the investigation of ontologies that focuses on how reality emerges in ordering practices (Verran 2001).The paper demonstrates that focusing on emerging ontologies in history classes opens new ways for peace education. During the period of my fieldwork, I initiated a debate about a claim for compensation of war crimes occurring during World War II. When the teenagers discussed this claim in their history class, they ordered the past in surprising ways: They selected a variety of seemingly unrelated aspects to discuss the compensation and ordered these aspects in creative ways when they added facts and fiction from different periods and related historic legal regulations to present moral values. What appeared initially as not-yet-knowing was in fact a highly creative process of contesting histories. An analysis of the ordering practices reveals that narrating and contesting histories had not only impact on how the teenagers remembered the past, but also on the emerging histories. The teenagers ordered the past around specific particulars – they made specific histories. Contesting histories, and thereby testing divergent ontological orderings of the past, made different orderings of the future possible and facilitated the establishment of futures different from the past. The paper provides insights in the process of changing prevalent orderings of the past and the future and argues for broadening the discourses in Peace Education by emphasizing ontological perspectives.

Candice Carter, Saint Martin’s University, USA: Future-Oriented Peace Education Education about conflict and peace occurs across disciplines and subject areas

First, it builds student knowledge of past accomplishments in peace theory and development. Second, it orients students towards harm-free responses to conflict. Third, it cultivates students’ dispositions and skills for peace development. This presentation will identify current approaches to these accomplishments. It will describe resent research on one of these approaches in education of children as well as identify other related studies. The information will be useful to those who have similar research. Additionally, it may inform educators who seek means for provision of peace education within existing school structures of Europe. The instruction this presentation will describe combines lessons on literacy with social education. While building their comprehension of literature and analysis of its components, the students were also taught social content. Their understanding and use of communication about feelings as well as their disposition of compassion were goals of the learning this presentation will describe. The findings of the research have implications for teacher education and literacy development by others who read with children and youth.

Faisal Munir, University of Tromsø, Norway: Role of Education in Promoting Terrorism, Militancy and Intolerance in Pakistan

In Pakistan the “nexus between, education, religion, and national identity is a complex” phenomenon. . Having removed the civilian elected government amidst the political turmoil in 1979, the military regime in Pakistan sought internal political legitimacy and simultaneously tried to counter two external threats, the Soviet invasion in Afghanistan and the Iranian revolution underpinned by Saudi ideology and American assistance. In pursuit of political socialization through education, the revised curriculum became the primary source of decline of educational standard and the ideas imported from Saudi Arabia and the U.S. brought serious challenges to the very existence of Pakistan itself. The destruction of pluralism and the new political order based on force, insensitivity, glorification of war, promotion of jihad and martyrdom, paved the way for religiously motivated terrorism in Pakistan.

 

[theories and peace]

Unto Vesa, Tampere Peace Research Institute, Finland: The come back of Cold War in the Baltic Sea region?

The paper analyses the development of (comprehensive) security in the Baltic Sea region, discussing it through the security community concept of Karl Deutsch. At the end of the Cold War there were positive developments on several dimensions and clear shifts towards a security community, yet with problems of integration with Russia (see Vesa and Möller-Vesa). Now the situation has turned back to a Cold War like atmoshpere: with bad bilateral relations, decreasing trade, provocative military operations, NATO-Russia opposition, etc. The paper discusses the opportunity to turn this deteriorating and dangerous trend.

Lodve A. Svare, Centre for Peace Studies, University of Tromsø – Norway’s Arctic University: What is peace research’s philosophical Foundation?

The case for a new realism Despite handful attempts to clarify the philosophical commitments of international peace and conflict studies in recent years, the basic assumptions upon which contemporary work in the field rests remain vague. Ontological and epistemological issues are often ignored altogether or dealt with superficially, leaving central beliefs and potentially critical presuppositions in mystery. At best, this means that much work is silent about a whole range of questions concerning being and knowledge-production, i.e. the very reality in which peace is at stake. At worst, it means that many peace scholars are indifferent to such issues. This state of affairs adds to the confusion about what peace research is and should be, and undermines a reorientation of the field to be (more) relevant to our time. The paper scrutinizes three core aspects of the meta-theory of critical realism and discusses their relevance and potential contribution for a better science-philosophical anchoring of contemporary work on peace and conflict. The key argument put forward is that a reorientation towards a (philosophically) realist ontology, together with openness in epistemology, will enhance the discipline’s underlying rationale. This, in turn, can invigorate empirical peace research in terms of both increased epistemological reflexivity and bolstering its ontological practicality and applicability vis-à-vis local peace and conflict experiences in particular.

* Charles Webel, University of New York in Prague: The Group Psychology of War And Peace in Europe Today: The Case of Ukraine

Albert Einstein and Sigmund Freud engaged in one of the 20th century’s most famous epistolary exchanges, commencing on July 30, 1932, when Einstein addressed “the most insistent of all problems civilisation has to face…: Is there any way of delivering mankind from the menace of war?” Both Einstein and Freud agreed that the selfish and rapacious instincts of small groups of political and economic elites contribute significantly to warfare, and, to mitigate this, a supra-national organization with the power to tame these belligerents should be created. Unfortunately, despite the creation of the United Nations, humanity is far from being delivered from its bellicosity. To understand why war and violent conflict persist, while the dream of global peace remains fanciful, it is helpful to examine group behavior in crowds, mobs, and warfare. This can aid our understanding of human potentials that are ever present but unseen in ordinary circumstances. In this presentation, I will outline some advantages and disadvantages of groups, especially with regard to their belligerent and irenic propensities. A case study of the Ukrainian/Russian conflict helps illustrate related issues of inter- and inner-group conflict and association. I conclude by mentioning some characteristics of peaceful and warlike cultures, with an eye toward enhancing irenic and decreasing belligerent behavior in Eastern Europe in particular.

 

[identity, memory, reconciliation]

Marko Lehti, Tampere Peace Research Institute, University of Tampere, Finland: Rethinking identities and dialogue in conflict transformation

Rethinking identities and dialogue in conflict transformation Conflicts do not only arise out of competition for material gain. They often emerge as part of the (re)production of identities expressed through myths, images of history and memories. The latter provide material for political identities, but may also narrate the ‘other’ in purely antagonistic terms. Identity-based conflicts may draw on discourses of historical enmity, hatred and insecurity, which trigger basic existential fears of group survival. Thus, ontological insecurity may be a more essential obstacle for achieving sustainable and just peace than threats to physical security. While activating clear cut friend–enemy distinctions, may generate threats to physical security and economic well-being, it may also offer ontological security, in strengthening and reproducing group identity. Therefore, from a perspective of conflict transformation, a core question is how to move beyond the antagonistic reproduction of identities without inculcating fears of identity collapse. The importance of identity has not been ignored in prevailing peacemaking practices but prevailing socio-psychological approaches to identities need to be rethought. The prevailing facilitation practices are attempting to dissolve antagonism before a true dialogue can start, and identities are not seen as an issue for the dialogue. This paper suggests new theoretical perspectives on third party’s role to mediate antagonistic identities based on the Bakhtinian dialogue as a way to desecuritize identity and Mouffe’s understanding of agonistic pluralism.

Barbara Gabriella Renzi, Roma 3 University, Italy: Memories of the Colombanus Community of Reconciliation

The angry scenes and the sites of destructions often characterised our picture of Northern Ireland. However, there is a different story to be told too. This paper focuses on the Colombanus Community of Reconciliation through the memories of some of its protagonists (interviewed in 2015). The paper is divided in three sections. Firstly, a short overview of the conflict in Northern Ireland and the current situation (using ethnographic data, coming from my work in Belfast) will be offered. Secondly a short overview of the most important Christian Centres for Reconciliation will be outlined, focusing alike on the Protestants and the Catholics. Finally, I will focus on the Colombanus Community of Reconciliation.

Ruben Moi, UiT – The Arctic University of Norway: Challenges to Peace in Northern Ireland after the Troubles 1968-1998

How does a society transform itself from war and conflict resolution to peace and progress? Northern Ireland offers a special case for the study of overcoming such civilisatory crisis. The Good Friday Agreement of 1998 brought official peace to Northern Ireland after centuries of contentious relations between England and Ireland that exploded yet again in Northern Ireland in 1968. The peace treaty resulted in a remarkable reduction in fatalities, violence and material destruction. Yet the aftermath of the peace accord has been fraught with moral, social and political challenges. This paper discusses the major issues of developing post-war stability after a precise presentation of the conflict itself.

Inger-Elin Svanø Øye, University of Tromsø – Norway’s Arctic University: The Role of Memory for Peace and Conflict in Europe: Germany’s Peaceful Transformation

This paper explores the role of memory of World War II for peace and conflict drawing on anthropological fieldwork in Germany from 1991 onward. In 2015 celebrations of the 70th anniversary of the end of World War II displayed the enormous significance of the memory of the War, a memory which seems to contribute to dividing Europe. Whilst much focus has been on western states refusal to celebrate and comemorate with Russia the USSR’s importance in WWII in protest to the armed conflict in Ukrania, a remarkable peaceful shift and act of reconciliation gained less attention. Germany’s chancellor Merkel went to Moskow to comemorate the USSR’s victory over Nazism and German soldiers, Merkel was also central in peaceful negotiations in the Ukraine conflict. I will look into how Germany, which startet both World Wars in the name of German national culture, history and interests, has made a peaceful transformation linked to revising history and memory under both external pressure and pressure from within society, in official institutions, in civil society, and in peoples personal memory. Could Germany’s memory work be a model.

* Gianmarco Pisa, IPRI – Rete CCP (Italian Peace Research Institute – Civil Peace Corps Network) Napoli, Italia: Memory deposits for a Peace perspective. Memory and Cultures for a Peace perspective across the Balkans

The role of memory, conceived as both a collective acquaintance from the past and a shared knowledge of salient events, is a key device in the work for confidence restoring and communication building. In areas torn by the ethno-political conflicts, like the ones in the Western Balkans, especially in Kosovo, outstanding monuments from the past, like Lekë Dukagjini’s “Kanun” and Dušan’s Code (Dušanov Zakonik), or mass public events impressed in the collective awareness, like the ones about the nonviolent movement and the reconciliation processes between the Seventies and the Nineties of the 20th century, as real “places of memories”, can express interesting meanings and sources of inspiration for the work on peace and conflict, for confidence building and conflict transformation. Talking about “places of memory”, both in physical and conceptual ways, rediscovering topics in the traditional codes and literature, like the salient codes of the historical past, and readdressing monumental sites as cultural repositories, like in the «brotherhood and unity» myth of Socialist Yugoslavia, is an actual and feasible road and a proper European heritage to come from the past and head the future and to restore bridge of solidarity and ties to overcome the painful consequences of the war.

 

[europe, security, peace, neutrality]

 

Diego Checa Hidalgo, Centre for Trust, Peace, and Social Relations, Coventry University: The European Peace Army. An unfinished challenge

This article aims to study the European civil society efforts to create civilian tools for violence prevention and peacebuilding in the international arena. These efforts were addressed to develop purely nonviolent methodologies in order to serve as alternative or complementary mechanisms to the traditional conflict resolution tools used by states and international organizations. It analyzes the origin of the idea of the peace armies and reviews the implementation of nonviolent international interventions throughout the XXth century. It also examines the failed initiative to create a European Civil Peace Corps and presents the advances made to build civil peace services in Europe.

Olga Petrova, Institute of Oriental Studies, Russian Academy of Sciences: Ideas of Power and Elites: An Implication for Democracy in Indonesia and Europe

Ideas of Power and Elites: An Implication for Democracy in Indonesia and Europe The purpose of the paper is to analyze how the concept of power is inserted in the minds of Indonesians. This paper examines characteristics of relationship between power and elites both in historical perspective. This work is also related to dichotomy of political model in Indonesia. The first section of this paper explains cultural symbols of traditional authority, including philosophy and cultural values of Keraton in Yogyakarta and the ideas of power in Javanese culture. The phenomenon of Sukarno political philosophy has influence on politics in Indonesia. It inserted in discourses that give meaning at the different political environments from army role in socio-economic and political structures to elites’ role in democracy building. Furthermore, the paper outlines how traditional ideas of power contribute to the specific patterns of democracy model in Indonesia. The paper permits to compare different approaches to democracy processes in the West and South East Asia.

Vladislav Fedorov, Petrozavodsk State University: The essence and status of neutrality concept in the current international relations system

Since the emergence of the actors not willing to be involved into destructive wars, the notion of neutrality has evolved steadily. The Hague Convention of 1907 had officially confirmed non-belligerent status with appropriate rights and responsibilities. The Cold War collision left no other option for some states but to accept neutrality, consequently, making them regard it not as a temporary policy during military conflicts but as an elaborate and consistent one. Specifically, neutrality required non-alignment, military non-alignment and military neutrality. Throughout decades such a behavior habitualized, while norms of neutrality – either in a voluntary or a coerced way – became deeply embedded in states’ identities, what greatly altered the notion of this policy. From there on neutrality has been imposed by societies upon their national governments. Hence, there are three main approaches that can be used to describe neutrality: international law, political realism theory and social constructivism. Most researchers tend to follow social view of neutrality, as it provides a clear vision of what this concept is and what consequences it entails. Arguably, in order to interpret neutrality correctly, the government task is to follow the preferences in a society and to perform as a mediator between conflicting parties. It can opt for various values to pursue at international scale, though escaping from creating enemies and friends for itself. Depending on how long the state has been supporting neutrality, the state is gaining trust among other actors. Basically, there are three major contributions of neutrality to the system: it proposes a new type of behavior without applying a force, establishes trust-based relations between government and society and helps a state to act as a mediator in a conflict.

* Klaus Schlichtmann, Nihon University, Japan: European Integration, UN Reform and the Problem of Achieving a Lasting Peace in Europe and the World without Arms

The question of world peace is closely related to the question of European integration. European integration and international organization are two sides of a coin. However, so far matters of international organization, like disarmament, UN Collective Security and transferring “security sovereignty” to the UN Security Council have not been a priority for the EU, in spite of the fact that the UN system has not been and is not functioning as it had originally been intended by its founders. This paper will argue that without the European Union taking legislative action to empower the UN, “real” collective security and disarmament are not achievable. The paper will argue that European integration could be enhanced by obtaining a single European permanent representation in the Security Council. This would open the prospect of a prominent member of the Global South to join the five-nation club as a permanent member. In this connection the relevance of the “P5” for the transitional period envisaged by the UN Charter is also addressed. The fact that UN Members have not embarked on the transition even seventy years after the end of the Second World War, is highlighted as being the main reason for the ongoing state of “armed peace.” Whether this can still be remedied before things get out of hand, is the question that this conference must discuss. A related issue is Turkey’s membership in the EU. European integration could be enhanced by making Turkey a partner and a member in the EU. Turkey represents a vital link that connects Europe and Asia, as well as the Muslim and the Western (Christian) world. In this regard Turkey could make a positive contribution to the ongoing discussions by making its membership in the EU conditional on the EU’s adopting concrete measures aimed at disarmament and strengthening the United Nations.

* Thomas C. Daffern, International Institute of Peace Studies and Global Philosophy: Towards a European Peace Policy: a progress report

This paper will begin by discussing the status of peace policy research. In amongst the archipelago of research agendas, we have defence policy, foreign policy, education policy. Security policy, military policy, social policy, economic policy, monetary policy, gender policy, human rights policy, nuclear weapons policy, environmental policy, intelligence policy, arts policy, family policy, science policy. Each of these many approaches and disciplines have their advocates and professional networks and institutes. Many are well entrenched and command huge budgets and armies of academics, bureaucrats, journalists, academic journals, scientific think tanks, research methodologies etc. In the midst of this, there is a total blank, a silence, about “peace policy”. The two words are never spoken together, either officially or unofficially, with only two exceptions (University of Notre Dane and the author’s own Centre for Peace Policy Research). The paper will argue however, that as peace researchers, presumably intent on increasing outbreaks of peace over outbreaks of war, then it is about time we started a new sub-discipline, namely the field of “peace policy ”. What would peace policy consist of ? It would be a joined up way of thinking about the fruits of the past decades (if not centuries) of inquiry into peace issues, including the research by all the social science and humanities practitioners over recent decades, psychologists, philosophers, historians, conflict resolution experts, mediators, communication specialists, anthropologists, economists, political scientists, educators, theologians, diplomats, military experts and generals, peace activists and thinkers etc.

Then it would be about applying this knowledge, in usable format, to political leaders, tasked with making complex choices about real life issues affecting the world and the nation or community. This paper will consider peace policy issues as applied to the European continent. It will examine what kinds of issues are actually crying out for an intelligent peace policy approach, and which institutions can best apply or implement the determined policies.  National governments ?  The European Union ? The Council of Europe ? The Nordic Union ? The European Free trade Assocaiotn ? The Christian Churches and other faith groups ? The paper will also discuss what we mean by Europe ? Is it a geographical or a conceptual sphere ? The paper will argue it is both, made up of several overlapping spheres and planes and regions, all of which have slightly different interests. All of them share a common interest in developing a viable peace policy for Europe however.

The paper will also address the puzzle: is there anyone who would actively seek to oppose Europe developing a viable and effective peace policy ? For what reasons ? The paper will examine peace policy options in various key areas:

  1. The Ukraine crisis and Civil War
  2. The ongoing destabilisation in North Africa and the Middle East and knock -on immigration and refugee crisis;
  3. Reforming the European Union and the Eurozone to accommodate Greece, or forcing a Greek exit ? implications for peace policy
  4. Reforming the European Union so that the UK can vote to remain a member in 2017, or the European Union failing to reform and Britain voting to leave: the implications for peace policy and the  need for a peace audit of the EU and its institutions
  5. Towards a European Union Mediation Service – proposals on the table and their history
  6. European relations with Russia since the cold war’s ending: do we really want a new cold war ? what about Crimea ? Ukraine ? Snowden ? Putin ?
  7. European relations with the USA since 1945 and the search for a peace policy on equal and balanced terms – is the NSA spying on everyone’s phones still ? Trying to persuade the USA to also implement a peace policy – is there anyone over there who “gets” this ?
  8. European relations with the Near and Middle East: with Turkey, Israel, Iraq, Iran, Saudi Arabia, Syria, Egypt, Libya, Somalia, Yemen – Can Europe do more to promote actual peace in the Middle East instead of sitting back and watching the entire region erupt in war – leading to untold suffering, hardships, refugees etc ? Cant Europe use its historical ties with the region to work out a lasting an serious peace policy that can resolve these conflicts (eg a Shi’a Sunni peace treaty etc.) ?
  9. Interfaith and intercultural relations in Europe and the rise of racial and religious conflicts inside European countries, the threat of religiously inspired “terrorism” and shootings as in Paris, Copenhagen – how could peace policy help tackle these issues.

The paper will end by making several practical and theoretical proposals, involving future collaborative research and also collaborative praxis.

 

 

 

 

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